[Sri Aurobindo
wrote the following note to Amal Kiran in September 1949, but how relevant it
is to the present situation in Kashmir in 2017! I draw the attention of the
reader to four points which I frame in my own words for the sake of brevity:
(1) Not all Muslims are fanatics, so look for their support in a secular state.
(2) Do not trust Pakistan. (3) Do not suggest a coalition “between the loyalists and the rebels in
Kashmir”, for the rebels will only subvert the administration. (4) Do not give
up Kashmir because of military weakness, for it will only encourage Pakistan to
establish Muslim rule in North India.]
Now
let us come to your article. All you have written up to the X mark against the
beginning of a para is very good and needed to be said; but after that there
are certain things to which I have to take objection. For instance, why suggest
a slur on the whole Mohammedan population of Kashmir by speaking of “fanatic spell
of the name of Allah”? This cannot apply to the Kashmiris who follow Abdullah
and who are in a large majority, they are for his idea of a secular state. The
others in Gilgit and elsewhere are not actuated by religious fanaticism but by
political motives. The rest of the sentence should be modified accordingly; the
people in the districts who have been rescued from the grip of the rebels have
shown strong gratitude for their release and it would be quite impolitic to
ignore by such doubts the sincerity of this gratitude. I am not enamoured of
your idea of an understanding between Pakistan and India, it is not likely that
the Pakistan Government will consent to any understanding except one which will
help to perpetuate the partition and be to their advantage. It would be most
dangerous to forget Jinnah’s motive and policy in establishing Pakistan which
is still the motive and policy of the Pakistan leaders,— although it would not
be politic to say anything about it just now. If you keep what you have written
it should be with the proviso, if there is a change of heart and if Pakistan
becomes willing to effect some kind of junction with India or some overtopping
Council of cooperation between the two federations. But the most amazing thing
is your disastrous suggestion of a coalition Government between the loyalists
and the rebels in Kashmir. That would give a position and influence and control
over all the affairs of the State to the supporters of Pakistan which they can
never hope to have under the present circumstances. They would be able to
appoint their own men in the administration, use intimidation and trickery in
order to press people to vote against their will and generally falsify the
plebiscite, and they certainly would not hesitate to do all that they could for
that end. It might very well knock all the good cards out of Abdullah’s hands
and smash up his present predominant chances of a favourable issue of the
plebiscite.
There
is a passage in your article containing a trenchant suggestion which has
puzzled me. You seem to say that India has been beaten on the military ground
in Kashmir and there is no hope of her keeping it or clearing out the invaders;
her last chance is the plebiscite and that is the reason why she is insisting on
the plebiscite. Is that at all true? It would mean that Indian military
strength is unable to cope with that of Pakistan and then, if she cannot cope
with it in Kashmir in spite of her initial advantage, can she do it anywhere?
If she gives up Kashmir because of her military weakness that encourages
Pakistan to carry through Jinnah’s plan with regard to the establishment of Muslim
rule in Northern India and they will try it out. I don’t think this is really
the case. It was for political motives, I take it, and not from a consciousness
of military weakness that India did not push her initial advantage, and she
insisted on the plebiscite, not because it was her last or only chance but
because it gave her the best chance. In a plebiscite on the single and straight
issue of joining either Pakistan or India she was and is quite confident of an
overwhelming majority in her favour. Moreover, she does not cling to the
plebiscite from motives of ideological purity and will even refuse it if it is
to be held on any conditions other than those she has herself clearly and
insistently laid down. She is quite prepared to withdraw the case from the
cognizance of the U.N.O and retain Kashmir by her own means and even, if
necessary, by fight to the finish, if that is unavoidable. That Patel has made
quite clear and uncompromisingly positive and Nehru has not been less positive.
Both of them are determined to resist to the bitter end any attempt to force a
solution which is not consistent with the democratic will of the Kashmir people
and their right of self-determination of their own destiny. At the same time
they are trying to avoid a clash if it is at all possible.
One
thing which both Abdullah and the India Government want to avoid and have
decided to resist by all possible means is a partition of Kashmir, especially
with Gilgit and Northern Kashmir going to Pakistan. This is the greatest danger
but the details and the reasons for the possibility of its materialising, though
they are plain enough, have to be kept confidential or, at any rate, not to be
discussed in public. But if you take account of it, it will be easier to
understand the situation and the whole policy of the India Government. That at
least is the stand taken by them and the spirit of the terms they have laid
down for the conditions of the plebiscite. These conditions have been just at this
moment published in the newspapers and the whole course of negotiations with
the U.N.O. Kashmir Commission has been laid bare in a public statement.
Practically, the Commission representative has conceded on its part almost all
the essential demands and conditions laid down by Nehru. All, however, remains
fluid until and unless the Security Council acquiesces in the arrangements
proposed by their own Commission or else take a different decision and until
the plebiscite Administrator is appointed and makes the final arrangements.
What will finally transpire from all this lies as the Greeks used to say on the
knees of the Gods, theon en gounasi
keitai. It lies also with the reactions of the Pakistan leaders which
are more easily calculable, but may not show themselves until a possibly much
later date.
In any
case, it seems to me that our only course is to support the India Government in
the stand they are taking in regard to Kashmir and the terms and conditions
they have made, so long as they do not weaken and deviate from their position.
Nothing should be said which would discourage the public mind or call away the
support which the Government needs in maintaining the right course. What I have
written on Kashmir is only my personal view at present based on the information
I have and must be kept quite private. But it may perhaps be of some help to you
in determining what you may say or not say about Kashmir. Since the above was
written there has appeared Pakistan’s interpretation of the Commission’s
arrangement for the plebiscite. It looks as if Lozano had made his statements as
smooth as possible to either party so that they got very different impressions
of what was meant to be done. However there is only one important point and
that is about the Azad armies. If these are allowed to remain in arms in the
places they now occupy the plebiscite will become a farce. But the India authorities
seem to have received a definite promise from Lozano that it will be otherwise.
We shall have to wait and see what will be the definite arrangements and how
the Commission will get out of this imbroglio. But Pakistan in this matter is
showing a mentality that makes one wonder whether it is worth while your
suggesting the possibility of an amicable rapproachment between the two parts
of partitioned India such as you have gone out of your way to elaborate in your
article.
c.
September 1949
(Sri
Aurobindo, Autobiographical Notes,
CWSA, Vol. 36, pp. 517-20)
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